THE KHMER ROUGE LEGACY: How Then Shall We Live?
Thank you to Mr. At Keo of North Carolina for his Open Letter to me which I am happy to give an Open Response shortly. In the meantime, may you ponder over "How Then Shall We Live", first published in August 2008 in The Phnom Penh Post as part of the Voice of Justice columns, and enjoy a few sourvenirs from Nataya Resort in Kampot province, an oasis sandwiched between 1 km of seashore and the eerily beautiful Bokor Mountains, of this past New Year weekend. (see photos below) I am very fortunate to be given opportunities to "live well" - in beauty, in truth, in grace, in goodness, in love - and it is my strongest desire to see (and my life's work to affect attidudinal and environmental changes in order) my fellow Cambodians be afforded these same opportunities to live well. The answer to living well, as Dr. Mark Strom reminds us, "is not magical but practical."
We are the victims, perpetrators and heirs of 20th century's evil incarnate - maimed, broken both in body and spirit. Everyone of us. All 14 million of us. Many of us with blood on our hands. Thirty years on, we are still living in a land thoroughly soaked in blood - haunted by the cries of our dead, by what we did or were forced to do, by what we witnessed and our hellish experiences; we have done little to wash away this stain from our environment and in our hearts; we have paid scant attention to the destructive mentality – violence, fear, impunity compounded over these many years – it produces in ourselves and visitors individually and in society collectively.
This is how the world knows us. Just eavesdrop on the expat's conversations; consider their ulterior motives, meaningless deference, condescending actions, implicit and explicit pomposity and superiority, sophisticated manipulations; ponder the humility, patience and compassion of those who visit prisoners, care for trafficked girls and AIDS/HIV-infected patients; admire the courage of those who raise awareness through films and other forms of media of human rights abuses, environmental destruction, sexual exploitation, impunity, injustices.
This is how we know ourselves. Look into the eyes of any Khmer; read the expressions on our faces; listen carefully to what we say; feel the fear, mistrust and mistreatment we have toward each other and of/by the authority; think of the self-hatred as reflected in the way we treat the most vulnerable, disregard human life, hide behind and chase after materialism, decadence, superficiality over substance and depth. Consider the greed, the selfishness in the frantic, furious grabbing of land, the heartless selling and degradation of persons.
I hear often negative superlatives attached to our current society – how it is the most vulgar, most degenerate, most cruel toward their own people, most violent, most racist, most materialistic and superficial, most shameless, most petty, most laden with gossips, back-stabbing, etc.
This is our Khmer legacy. We can deny it, or pretend it doesn't exist. We can hide it by dressing it up with pretty roads, pretty buildings, pretty clothes, pretty phones, pretty cars - with all the pretty bling-bling things of modernity. The reality remains; the blood stains are still with us; the dark mentality continues to guide us.
Do we remain indifferent and vaguely hope for change - that our society would miraculously change from one of fear to courage, impunity to justice, vulgarity to decency, violence to peace - with no efforts on our part? Yes, if we are uncaring and delusional.
How then shall we live?
The answer is not magical but practical; the answer is not unknown to us, but requires us to move from lip service to courageous action. How, then, shall we live? We must return to first principles.
Courage is not inevitable. Justice is not inevitable. Wisdom is not inevitable. Decency is not inevitable. Neither are peace, love, excellence, freedom, perseverance, character.
Each requires hard work -deliberate, persistent, persevering, humble, passionate work. And it must start with each one of us - Theary, Sophea, Chanthan, Chantha, Seila, Chariya, Cheat, Chhay, Dara, Sen, Vannath, Kheng.
The answer to fear is not more fear, but courage. We receive justice not by analyzing, witnessing, engaging in injustice, but by giving justice. We are noble not through superfluous, long empty titles, but by living with dignity and bestowing dignity to all, especially on the most vulnerable. Excellence is not had by sloth, envy but by training, perseverance, dedication.
Living Well
How then shall we live? We want to live well. We shall live well. What does "living well" look like? We must focus on and bring about the four ideals of the ancient world – Truth, Beauty, Goodness, and Unity – which address the four dimensions to life – the intellectual, the aesthetic, the moral, and the spiritual (in the sense of being connected to a purpose larger than ourselves). Where there is truth, where there is beauty, where there is goodness, and where there is unity, we Khmers of the globalized, porous world of 21st century, traumatized by the 20th century evil incarnate, may live well. (See www. csdcambodia.org "Voice of Justice Program - Leadership: To lead is to serve". Dr. Mark Strom).
Everyone of 14 million of us has an important role to play in living well. But I'd like to single out and plead with four influential groups of individuals:
Elected Leaders: Please, be our role models – full of character, justice, imbued with humility and genuine nobility. Be our model of compassion for the vulnerable, the weak, the widows and orphans – this being the hallmark of a great society.
Civic Leaders: Please, be our role models – of Integrity, unity and humility.
Parents: Please, be our role models. Invest in our education; make sacrifices for the children, for the future.
Foreign Guests: Please, do no harm. You are greatly welcomed here. But, please, do no harm, intentionally or inadvertently.
We are a generation uniquely occasioned with an awesome responsibility and opportunity – to determine and shape the Khmer Rouge legacy, positively or negatively.
How then shall we live? Let us not live darkly. Let us live well. Let us live in truth, with beauty, with goodness, in unity. Let us live with a just peace – not only a peace defined as the absence of war, but peace that includes the presence of justice. Let us live in awe of life, with a respect for life. Let us live with grace and freedom.
Theary C. SENG, former director of Center for Social Development (March 2006—July 2009), founded the Center for Justice & Reconciliation (www.cjr-cambodia.org) and is currently writing her second book, under a grant, amidst her speaking engagements.
THE KHMER ROUGE LEGACY:
How Then Shall We Live?
How Then Shall We Live?
We are the victims, perpetrators and heirs of 20th century's evil incarnate - maimed, broken both in body and spirit. Everyone of us. All 14 million of us. Many of us with blood on our hands. Thirty years on, we are still living in a land thoroughly soaked in blood - haunted by the cries of our dead, by what we did or were forced to do, by what we witnessed and our hellish experiences; we have done little to wash away this stain from our environment and in our hearts; we have paid scant attention to the destructive mentality – violence, fear, impunity compounded over these many years – it produces in ourselves and visitors individually and in society collectively.
This is how the world knows us. Just eavesdrop on the expat's conversations; consider their ulterior motives, meaningless deference, condescending actions, implicit and explicit pomposity and superiority, sophisticated manipulations; ponder the humility, patience and compassion of those who visit prisoners, care for trafficked girls and AIDS/HIV-infected patients; admire the courage of those who raise awareness through films and other forms of media of human rights abuses, environmental destruction, sexual exploitation, impunity, injustices.
This is how we know ourselves. Look into the eyes of any Khmer; read the expressions on our faces; listen carefully to what we say; feel the fear, mistrust and mistreatment we have toward each other and of/by the authority; think of the self-hatred as reflected in the way we treat the most vulnerable, disregard human life, hide behind and chase after materialism, decadence, superficiality over substance and depth. Consider the greed, the selfishness in the frantic, furious grabbing of land, the heartless selling and degradation of persons.
I hear often negative superlatives attached to our current society – how it is the most vulgar, most degenerate, most cruel toward their own people, most violent, most racist, most materialistic and superficial, most shameless, most petty, most laden with gossips, back-stabbing, etc.
This is our Khmer legacy. We can deny it, or pretend it doesn't exist. We can hide it by dressing it up with pretty roads, pretty buildings, pretty clothes, pretty phones, pretty cars - with all the pretty bling-bling things of modernity. The reality remains; the blood stains are still with us; the dark mentality continues to guide us.
Do we remain indifferent and vaguely hope for change - that our society would miraculously change from one of fear to courage, impunity to justice, vulgarity to decency, violence to peace - with no efforts on our part? Yes, if we are uncaring and delusional.
How then shall we live?
The answer is not magical but practical; the answer is not unknown to us, but requires us to move from lip service to courageous action. How, then, shall we live? We must return to first principles.
Courage is not inevitable. Justice is not inevitable. Wisdom is not inevitable. Decency is not inevitable. Neither are peace, love, excellence, freedom, perseverance, character.
Each requires hard work -deliberate, persistent, persevering, humble, passionate work. And it must start with each one of us - Theary, Sophea, Chanthan, Chantha, Seila, Chariya, Cheat, Chhay, Dara, Sen, Vannath, Kheng.
The answer to fear is not more fear, but courage. We receive justice not by analyzing, witnessing, engaging in injustice, but by giving justice. We are noble not through superfluous, long empty titles, but by living with dignity and bestowing dignity to all, especially on the most vulnerable. Excellence is not had by sloth, envy but by training, perseverance, dedication.
Living Well
How then shall we live? We want to live well. We shall live well. What does "living well" look like? We must focus on and bring about the four ideals of the ancient world – Truth, Beauty, Goodness, and Unity – which address the four dimensions to life – the intellectual, the aesthetic, the moral, and the spiritual (in the sense of being connected to a purpose larger than ourselves). Where there is truth, where there is beauty, where there is goodness, and where there is unity, we Khmers of the globalized, porous world of 21st century, traumatized by the 20th century evil incarnate, may live well. (See www. csdcambodia.org "Voice of Justice Program - Leadership: To lead is to serve". Dr. Mark Strom).
Everyone of 14 million of us has an important role to play in living well. But I'd like to single out and plead with four influential groups of individuals:
Elected Leaders: Please, be our role models – full of character, justice, imbued with humility and genuine nobility. Be our model of compassion for the vulnerable, the weak, the widows and orphans – this being the hallmark of a great society.
Civic Leaders: Please, be our role models – of Integrity, unity and humility.
Parents: Please, be our role models. Invest in our education; make sacrifices for the children, for the future.
Foreign Guests: Please, do no harm. You are greatly welcomed here. But, please, do no harm, intentionally or inadvertently.
We are a generation uniquely occasioned with an awesome responsibility and opportunity – to determine and shape the Khmer Rouge legacy, positively or negatively.
How then shall we live? Let us not live darkly. Let us live well. Let us live in truth, with beauty, with goodness, in unity. Let us live with a just peace – not only a peace defined as the absence of war, but peace that includes the presence of justice. Let us live in awe of life, with a respect for life. Let us live with grace and freedom.
Theary C. SENG, former director of Center for Social Development (March 2006—July 2009), founded the Center for Justice & Reconciliation (www.cjr-cambodia.org) and is currently writing her second book, under a grant, amidst her speaking engagements.
Letter from Mr. Christopher Evola
Submitted to KI-Media for publication
Christopher Evola
(currently residing in Ankara, Turkey)
05 Jan 2010
To Whom It May Concern
The Khmer Rouge were effectively forgiven by the Vietnamese by being brought back into functional positions in government and society. And they were also forgiven by the U.S. and other members of the UN who recognized them as the legitimate government in Cambodia during the Vietnam Era. I can’t think of any parallel with the Nazis. The outside powers sanitized and entitled the KR long before the Cambodian people themselves had the capability to address the issue. Both the Vietnamese and the UN used the KR as a Cold War tool for their own purposes, which over-rode concern for genocide. This is the basis for the confusion in the world’s responses to the Nazis and the KR: we still needed the KR. Insofar as we conceded the usefulness of ignoring the genocide, and insofar as it was nevertheless real, we ourselves are main players in the indifference to human rights that has now become such a repulsive item on our plate. The solution to problems such as this is not just to rely upon an analysis of how such horrid regimes can spontaneously arise, but rather to do whatever is necessary to strengthen our worldwide commitment to human rights. The solution to the Cambodia problem lies in our own hearts. It’s either that, or give up.
Hun Sen’s Nephews Are Menace to Cambodian Society: Thugs and Murders.
On 27th December 2009, Prime Minister Hun Sen organised a large family reunion of the Hun clan in which he warned his relatives- children, nephews and nieces- not to commit bad deeds toward people for fearing of revenge attacks against them once he falls from powers. Below are two good articles about the things that his nephews had committed. Please have a good read.-Khmerization.
ប្រភព៖ កុលបុត្រមហានគរខ្មែរ
Source: THE SON OF THE KHMER EMPIRE
Hun Sen’s nephews beat, killed, intimidate ordinary Cambodians, Journalist, Tourist, police, and even Parliament member with impunity. They feel they can do anything they want in Cambodia with little or no consequences. How is it possible for a few young men intimidate a whole society with impunity?
1. Hun Chea: On August 3, 2008, at about 11:30 pm, a black Cadillac Escalade SUV sped north up Phnom Penh’s Sothearos Boulevard at more than 100km/h before running down a man on a motorbike, tearing off his left arm and left leg in front of the Regent Park Hotel. Hun Chea at a karaoke club early Friday in central Phnom Penh after firing seven shots in the club and three more shots threatening police who rushed to the scene.
2.. Hun Tho: July 19, 2008, Noun Vuthy, a parliament member, was attacked by Hun Tho’s bodyguards. You Saravuth, Sralang Khmer journalist threatened by Hun Tho. Numerous undocumented reports of intimidation, beating, kicking ordinary Cambodian and entertainer for looking at him or does not do what he want.
3. Nim Sophea, the son of Hun Sen’s sister, have taken part in a car chase, which ended when the car he was travelling in lost control and crashed. According to police, Hun Sen’s nephew then fired an automatic rifle at passers-by. The authorities believe he may have been angry or drunk, which left two people dead. His younger brother, Nim Chan Tana were also involved in the car race.
4. Nhim Pov, a son of one of Hun Sen’s sisters, nephew of Prime Minister Hun Sen was involved in the stabbing of two Japanese tourists in downtown Phnom Penh. The two injured were beaten and stabbed with bottles of chilli and soy sauce.
5. Nim Pisey: another nephew of Hun Sen, fired several shots at another night club in the city, injuring two people. He was released a week later
BBC NEWS / ASIA-PACIFIC
Cambodian PM's nephew cleared
A nephew of the Cambodian leader Hun Sen has been cleared on appeal of involvement in a fatal shooting.
A Cambodian newspaper said that Nim Sophea, 23, was acquitted in August, having served 10 months of a three-year sentence for manslaughter.
He was arrested in October 2003, accused of shooting dead at least two people in a Phnom Penh street.
His lawyer said the rifle had fired accidentally when Nim Sophea tried to grab it from another man.
"We found out that he's not the culprit," presiding Judge Thou Mony told the English-language newspaper the Cambodia Daily.
The judge said the court had found that another man, Sam Douen - who was sentenced in absentia to 10 years imprisonment for the killings - was fully responsible.
The shooting incident is alleged to have taken place after a road accident in Phnom Penh.
According to police, Hun Sen's nephew then fired an automatic rifle at passers-by. The authorities believed he was angry or drunk.
BBC NEWS / ASIA-PACIFIC
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Tuesday, 21 December, 2004, 12:11 GMT
read more “BBC NEWS / ASIA-PACIFIC”
News Front Page | Africa | Americas | Asia-Pacific | Europe | Middle East | South Asia | UK | Business | Health | Science & Environment | Technology | Entertainment | Also in the news | Have Your Say |
Tuesday, 21 December, 2004, 12:11 GMT
Cambodian PM's nephew cleared
A nephew of the Cambodian leader Hun Sen has been cleared on appeal of involvement in a fatal shooting.
A Cambodian newspaper said that Nim Sophea, 23, was acquitted in August, having served 10 months of a three-year sentence for manslaughter.
He was arrested in October 2003, accused of shooting dead at least two people in a Phnom Penh street.
His lawyer said the rifle had fired accidentally when Nim Sophea tried to grab it from another man.
"We found out that he's not the culprit," presiding Judge Thou Mony told the English-language newspaper the Cambodia Daily.
The judge said the court had found that another man, Sam Douen - who was sentenced in absentia to 10 years imprisonment for the killings - was fully responsible.
The shooting incident is alleged to have taken place after a road accident in Phnom Penh.
According to police, Hun Sen's nephew then fired an automatic rifle at passers-by. The authorities believed he was angry or drunk.
What Are Human Rights?
Monday, January 04, 2010
Op-Ed by R. Visal
Human: noun
A member of the Homo sapiens species; a man, woman or child; a person.
Rights: noun
Things to which you are entitled or allowed; freedoms that are guaranteed.
Human Rights: noun
The rights you have simply because you are human.
If you were to ask people in the street, "What are human rights?" you would get many different answers. They would tell you the rights they know about, but very few people know all their rights.
As covered in the definitions above, a right is a freedom of some kind. It is something to which you are entitled by virtue of being human.
Human rights are based on the principle of respect for the individual. Their fundamental assumption is that each person is a moral and rational being who deserves to be treated with dignity. They are called human rights because they are universal. Whereas nations or specialized groups enjoy specific rights that apply only to them, human rights are the rights to which everyone is entitled—no matter who they are or where they live—simply because they are alive.
Yet many people, when asked to name their rights, will list only freedom of speech and belief and perhaps one or two others. There is no question these are important rights, but the full scope of human rights is very broad. They mean choice and opportunity. They mean the freedom to obtain a job, adopt a career, select a partner of one's choice and raise children. They include the right to travel widely and the right to work gainfully without harassment, abuse and threat of arbitrary dismissal. They even embrace the right to leisure.
A long time ago, human rights did not exist at all. Then the idea emerged that people should have certain freedoms. And that idea, in the wake of World War II, resulted finally in the document called the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the 30 rights to which all people are entitled.
On December 10, 1948 the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted and proclaimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
-------
The Universal
Declaration of Human Rights
Declaration of Human Rights
PREAMBLE
Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world,
Whereas disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people,
Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law,
Whereas it is essential to promote the development of friendly relations between nations,
Whereas the peoples of the United Nations have in the Charter reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom,
Whereas Member States have pledged themselves to achieve, in co-operation with the United Nations, the promotion of universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms,
Whereas a common understanding of these rights and freedoms is of the greatest importance for the full realization of this pledge,
Now, Therefore THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY proclaims THIS UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance, both among the peoples of Member States themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction.
Article 1.
· All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.
Article 2.
· Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty.
Article 3.
· Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.
Article 4.
· No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.
Article 5.
· No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
Article 6.
· Everyone has the right to recognition everywhere as a person before the law.
Article 7.
· All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination.
Article 8.
· Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or by law.
Article 9.
· No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.
Article 10.
· Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him.
Article 11.
· (1) Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defence.
· (2) No one shall be held guilty of any penal offence on account of any act or omission which did not constitute a penal offence, under national or international law, at the time when it was committed. Nor shall a heavier penalty be imposed than the one that was applicable at the time the penal offence was committed.
Article 12.
· No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honour and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks.
Article 13.
· (1) Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state.
· (2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.
Article 14.
· (1) Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution.
· (2) This right may not be invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
Article 15.
· (1) Everyone has the right to a nationality.
· (2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality.
Article 16.
· (1) Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution.
· (2) Marriage shall be entered into only with the free and full consent of the intending spouses.
· (3) The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State.
Article 17.
· (1) Everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others.
· (2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property.
Article 18.
· Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.
Article 19.
· Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.
Article 20.
· (1) Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.
· (2) No one may be compelled to belong to an association.
Article 21.
· (1) Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives.
· (2) Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country.
· (3) The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures.
Article 22.
· Everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is entitled to realization, through national effort and international co-operation and in accordance with the organization and resources of each State, of the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality.
Article 23.
· (1) Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment.
· (2) Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for equal work.
· (3) Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection.
· (4) Everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests.
Article 24.
· Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay.
Article 25.
· (1) Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.
· (2) Motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance. All children, whether born in or out of wedlock, shall enjoy the same social protection.
Article 26.
· (1) Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit.
· (2) Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace.
· (3) Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children.
Article 27.
· (1) Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits.
· (2) Everyone has the right to the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which he is the author.
Article 28.
· Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized.
Article 29.
· (1) Everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of his personality is possible.
· (2) In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.
· (3) These rights and freedoms may in no case be exercised contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
Article 30.
· Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein.
R. Visal
SRP-Pennsylvania
Sources: The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Peamble; abstracted from United Nations
Som Niyeay Phorng - Editorial by Angkor Borey News
Click on the editorial in Khmer to zoom inCambodia Battling Diseases on Two Fronts
By Kong Sothanarith, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
04 January 2010
Cambodia is facing threats from both the H1N1 virus and the avian influenza, health officials warned Monday, announcing that another man fell ill with bird flu in December.
December’s infection brings the total bird flu cases in humans to nine, with seven killed from the disease since in first appeared in 2004.
The most recent case, in Kampong Cham province, was accompanied by the deaths of 143 chickens. (Testing on two of two samples showed positive results for avian influenza.)
Meanwhile, H1N1, sometimes called swine flu, has killed six people and infected more than 500, officials said.
“We have found, every week, two, three or five new cases for H1N1,” said Ly Sovann, deputy director of the Ministry of Health’s communicable disease department. “On Dec. 16, we found a new [bird flu] case in Kampong Cham province, but he has not died.”
“Even though there are a small number of cases of human contamination, we are still worried about these diseases,” he said.
World Health Organization health specialist Nima Asgary confirmed the new case of bird flu, saying Cambodia was now facing infections of both viruses.
However, the H1N1 virus was considered less dangerous than bird flu, he said.
Ly Sovann recommended that Cambodians maintain good hygienic practices, including washing of hands and covering of mouth and nose while coughing, to prevent the spread of H1N1.
He also warned against selling or eating already-dead poultry, to prevent the spread of bird flu.
December’s infection brings the total bird flu cases in humans to nine, with seven killed from the disease since in first appeared in 2004.
The most recent case, in Kampong Cham province, was accompanied by the deaths of 143 chickens. (Testing on two of two samples showed positive results for avian influenza.)
Meanwhile, H1N1, sometimes called swine flu, has killed six people and infected more than 500, officials said.
“We have found, every week, two, three or five new cases for H1N1,” said Ly Sovann, deputy director of the Ministry of Health’s communicable disease department. “On Dec. 16, we found a new [bird flu] case in Kampong Cham province, but he has not died.”
“Even though there are a small number of cases of human contamination, we are still worried about these diseases,” he said.
World Health Organization health specialist Nima Asgary confirmed the new case of bird flu, saying Cambodia was now facing infections of both viruses.
However, the H1N1 virus was considered less dangerous than bird flu, he said.
Ly Sovann recommended that Cambodians maintain good hygienic practices, including washing of hands and covering of mouth and nose while coughing, to prevent the spread of H1N1.
He also warned against selling or eating already-dead poultry, to prevent the spread of bird flu.
Sacrava's Political Cartoon: January 7th Slave Baby
Cartoon by Sacrava (on the web at http://sacrava.blogspot.com)Hun Sen Warns Against Opposing January 7
By Chun Sakada, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
04 January 2010
"The whole world and the nation thinks that Jan. 7 is the Vietnamese invasion ... In fact, the United Nations did not recognize the government at the time, because the United Nations thought that it was a Vietnamese invasion. So it is history that the world recognizes." - Kem Sokha, head of the Human Rights PartyPrime Minister Hun Sen on Monday warned critics not to oppose the upcoming Jan. 7 anniversary, which marks the ouster of the Khmer Rouge by Vietnamese forces in 1979.
“Jan. 7 did not make anyone become enemies, and Jan. 7 belongs to the Cambodian people and all of Cambodia,” Hun Sen said, speaking at the inauguration of a high school in Battambang town.
He asked that no one “oppose” the upcoming anniversary, which is a government holiday, saying that the day had opened the way to the Paris Peace Accords, in 1991.
After pushing the Khmer Rouge from power, the Vietnamese installed a government, including then foreign minister Hun Sen and many of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party members. The CPP regards Jan. 7 as a day of victory and a rebirth of the Cambodian people.
The Vietnamese-backed regime began a long civil war with the Khmer Rouge guerrillas until Vietnam withdrew in 1989, following the collapse of the Soviet Union. The UN intervened in 1991, putting an end to the war and establishing an election in 1993.
The Jan. 7 anniversary has since become a political flashpoint, because the decade-long occupation still rankles many Cambodians. Every year, leaflets appear in markets in different parts of the country that oppose the celebration of Jan. 7.
Leaflets were found in Takeo town on Monday denouncing the day.
“The whole world and the nation thinks that Jan. 7 is the Vietnamese invasion,” said Kem Sokha, head of the Human Rights Party, which is part of an opposition coalition. “In fact, the United Nations did not recognize the government at the time, because the United Nations thought that it was a Vietnamese invasion. So it is history that the world recognizes.
Astrologers see grim year ahead [-Hor Sambear or Hor Dak Khear?]
Using time-honoured techniques, Phnom Penh-based fortune teller San Vannah attempts to prognosticate what the next 12 months may bring for Cambodia and its 14 million citizens. (Photo by: Heng Chivoan)Monday, 04 January 2010
Khouth Sophakchakrya
The Phnom Penh Post
Plagues of insects and civil strife loom; but govt says master plan for development will keep peace
THE start of the new calendar year, an event typically met with vows of reform and expressions of optimism, has in recent days occasioned a flurry of dire predictions from astrologers, who say that everything from swarms of destructive insects to faltering social mores will conspire to sow the seeds of national turmoil.
“Everything this year will be worse than last year,” said San Vannak, 53, a fortune teller who works in front of the Royal Palace. “Many people and also cattle will die from epidemic diseases and disasters such as floods, storms and droughts, all of which will be caused by climate change.”
He said five provinces in particular would be affected by inclement weather: Battambang, Kampot, Prey Veng, Pursat and Siem Reap.
Im Borin, director of the National Committee of Khmer Customs and Horoscopes at the Ministry of Cults and Religions, said he was concerned about crop yields.
“The farmers must take care of the crops they have already harvested because crops this year will not be good,” he said, adding that “about half of the vegetable and fruit crops will be destroyed” by insects.
He went on to predict a rash of human casualties as a result of declining “social morality”.
“There will be many people killing each other,” he said.
“Social morality will be reduced throughout society, and there will be a lot of rage from the evictees, who are increasing in number.”
Vay Vibol, a member of Im Borin’s committee and the Post’s Khmer edition astrologer, said he agreed with the predictions for the agriculture sector, though he was more sanguine about development prospects in general.
“Cambodia might not be in turmoil,” he said, adding: “As astrologers, we make these predictions using the ancient books of astrology, but we don’t know for sure if they will be true or false.”
For his part, Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan said he was unfazed by the astrologers’ statements.
“We have never been interested in the predictions of astrologers because we believe in our master plan and strategy for the development of the country,” he said. “We have accountability and flexibility to respond to circumstances and ensure social sustainability.”
THE start of the new calendar year, an event typically met with vows of reform and expressions of optimism, has in recent days occasioned a flurry of dire predictions from astrologers, who say that everything from swarms of destructive insects to faltering social mores will conspire to sow the seeds of national turmoil.
“Everything this year will be worse than last year,” said San Vannak, 53, a fortune teller who works in front of the Royal Palace. “Many people and also cattle will die from epidemic diseases and disasters such as floods, storms and droughts, all of which will be caused by climate change.”
He said five provinces in particular would be affected by inclement weather: Battambang, Kampot, Prey Veng, Pursat and Siem Reap.
Im Borin, director of the National Committee of Khmer Customs and Horoscopes at the Ministry of Cults and Religions, said he was concerned about crop yields.
“The farmers must take care of the crops they have already harvested because crops this year will not be good,” he said, adding that “about half of the vegetable and fruit crops will be destroyed” by insects.
He went on to predict a rash of human casualties as a result of declining “social morality”.
“There will be many people killing each other,” he said.
“Social morality will be reduced throughout society, and there will be a lot of rage from the evictees, who are increasing in number.”
Vay Vibol, a member of Im Borin’s committee and the Post’s Khmer edition astrologer, said he agreed with the predictions for the agriculture sector, though he was more sanguine about development prospects in general.
“Cambodia might not be in turmoil,” he said, adding: “As astrologers, we make these predictions using the ancient books of astrology, but we don’t know for sure if they will be true or false.”
For his part, Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan said he was unfazed by the astrologers’ statements.
“We have never been interested in the predictions of astrologers because we believe in our master plan and strategy for the development of the country,” he said. “We have accountability and flexibility to respond to circumstances and ensure social sustainability.”
Sam Rainsy’s Interview With The Cambodia Daily
Opposition leader Sam Rainsy (Photo: Sovannara, RFI)SAM RAINSY’S INTERVIEW WITH THE CAMBODIA DAILY
On 3 January 2010, the following questions from The Cambodia Daily (Q) were answered by Sam Rainsy (A).
Q. Can you explain why you choose to remain abroad and not return to Cambodia? And why you have done so in the past? What do you hope to gain (or prevent) by staying overseas?
A. To make it short, I am awaiting two answers: one from Hanoi, and one from Phnom Penh.
- From Hanoi: See my offer in the 21 December 2009 statement “The Real Court Is in Hanoi” at http://tinyurl.com/y99gv8w
- From Phnom Penh: See my offer in the 2 January 2010 Cambodia Daily’s article “Rainsy Says Will Return When Prisoners Freed” and other press reports such as the one from Radio France Internationale at http://tinyurl.com/yzqq5nn
I must give the two governments some time to respond to my consistent and legitimate offers.
I hope they will answer in one way or another. But, in the present circumstances, no answer is also an answer, a telling answer. The Cambodian people and Friends of Cambodia all over the world will be able to judge.
After that, I will consult with my colleagues in Cambodia and abroad to decide on the next step.
Q. Does your absence hurt the SRP in its operations or its public image?
A. By past experiences, I can say it affects the SRP only to a limited and manageable extent, but my “absence” from Cambodia gives us many opportunities elsewhere.
I am proud of, and blessed by, the permanent presence on the spot of countless competent and dedicated colleagues at all levels who are capable of adjusting to any situation like the one in 2005-2006 when I was “absent” for a whole year. The first subsequent polls (commune elections) in early 2007 were a big and unprecedented success for the SRP, proving that the SRP had not been that “affected” by my “absence.”
In the present world and with modern technologies, the word “absence” in the political field does not have the same meaning as only ten years ago. Look at Mr. Thaksin Shinawatra [the fugitive former Thai prime minister]: In spite of his self-imposed exile, he is very “present” in Thailand. Just a few days ago, I took part in a radio call-in show broadcast live from Phnom Penh. Was I really “absent” from Cambodia?
Three more sought in removal of post at Svay Rieng border
Monday, 04 January 2010
Meas Sokchea
The Phnom Penh Post
SVAY Rieng provincial court has issued arrest warrants for three villagers who uprooted temporary markers near the Vietnamese border in October, after they disobeyed a summons to appear in court on December 24.
The warrants, copies of which have been obtained by the Post, accuse the three local villagers of “purposely destroy[ing] Cambodia-Vietnam border marker Post 185”.
“This orders the arrest of the accused … and for them to be sent to court, which should take legal action,” state the warrants, issued December 25 under the signature of Investigating Judge Long Kesphyrom.
The three named in the warrants – Prak Chea, 28, Neang Phally, 39, and Prak Koeun, 38 – joined with opposition leader Sam Rainsy in uprooting the posts during a Buddhist ceremony in Chantrea district on October 25, claiming they were placed on their land by Vietnamese authorities.
Pov Pheap, deputy chief of Samrong commune, said Sunday that Svay Rieng provincial Governor Cheang Am spoke with villagers in Chantrea district’s Samrong commune that morning, reassuring them that the three people would not be arrested if they returned home.
“Excellency Cheang Am said that the people who fled should not fear to come back home … There will be no arrest. He said it openly like this,” Pov Pheap said.
Fear of retribution
The three fled after provincial authorities arrested their fellow villagers Meas Srey, 39, and Prom Chea, 41, at the court when they appeared for questioning on December 23. All five received the same summons to appear at court.
Sam Rainsy, who is currently abroad in Europe, also faces arrest over the incident after failing to appear in court on December 28. He is charged with incitement and the destruction of private property.
Cheang Am and Long Kesphyrom could not be reached for comment on Sunday.
Yim Sovann, spokesman for the opposition Sam Rainsy Party, declined to comment on the case in detail, but said that since the first two villagers were jailed, the other three would have likely faced the same fate if they obeyed their court summons.
“We have concerns about the safety of these three people,” he said.
“The two villagers were jailed on the same such citation, so the fate of the three people will not be different.”
The warrants, copies of which have been obtained by the Post, accuse the three local villagers of “purposely destroy[ing] Cambodia-Vietnam border marker Post 185”.
“This orders the arrest of the accused … and for them to be sent to court, which should take legal action,” state the warrants, issued December 25 under the signature of Investigating Judge Long Kesphyrom.
The three named in the warrants – Prak Chea, 28, Neang Phally, 39, and Prak Koeun, 38 – joined with opposition leader Sam Rainsy in uprooting the posts during a Buddhist ceremony in Chantrea district on October 25, claiming they were placed on their land by Vietnamese authorities.
Pov Pheap, deputy chief of Samrong commune, said Sunday that Svay Rieng provincial Governor Cheang Am spoke with villagers in Chantrea district’s Samrong commune that morning, reassuring them that the three people would not be arrested if they returned home.
“Excellency Cheang Am said that the people who fled should not fear to come back home … There will be no arrest. He said it openly like this,” Pov Pheap said.
Fear of retribution
The three fled after provincial authorities arrested their fellow villagers Meas Srey, 39, and Prom Chea, 41, at the court when they appeared for questioning on December 23. All five received the same summons to appear at court.
Sam Rainsy, who is currently abroad in Europe, also faces arrest over the incident after failing to appear in court on December 28. He is charged with incitement and the destruction of private property.
Cheang Am and Long Kesphyrom could not be reached for comment on Sunday.
Yim Sovann, spokesman for the opposition Sam Rainsy Party, declined to comment on the case in detail, but said that since the first two villagers were jailed, the other three would have likely faced the same fate if they obeyed their court summons.
“We have concerns about the safety of these three people,” he said.
“The two villagers were jailed on the same such citation, so the fate of the three people will not be different.”
Asia exits crisis but risk of unrest lingers
Mon, Jan 04, 2010
Reuters
Asia is leading the world out of global recession, but the financial crisis may yet have a dangerous sting in the tail -- the risk of social unrest as unemployment and inequality rise even as economies recover.
Fears of widespread unrest last year failed to materialise, and most Asian economies are now posting impressive growth. But unemployment is a lagging indicator, and many political risk consultancies are warning that 2010 may hold nasty surprises.
"Although we maintain that the crisis has already inflicted its deepest wounds, its impact will continue to be felt throughout 2010," the Economist Intelligence Unit said in a report.
The main downside risks to economic stability this year include asset price bubbles, deflationary pressures, and the danger of "an increase in the frequency and intensity of social and political unrest, given increased unemployment, weak growth and impending fiscal austerity measures in many countries," the EIU said.
Much of the risk is concentrated in Asia.
The EIU rates China in the "high risk" category for social unrest in 2010, upgraded from "moderate" risk in 2009. Also in the high risk category are Thailand, Indonesia, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Cambodia, Bangladesh and North Korea.
But unrest does not necessarily lead to market meltdown. The key question is whether violence is widespread enough to threaten major political upheaval or to significantly disrupt economic activity. Viewed in these terms, China is less of a risk, but Thailand and the Korean peninsula could be flashpoints for 2010.
China: Unrest without upheaval
The single most worrying political risk for investors in Asia is that an eruption of unrest in China destabilises the country and undermines its crucial role as an engine of global economic growth. This would not only cause a major sell-off of Chinese assets, it would undermine markets worldwide.
But most analysts rate this risk as extremely low in the coming year.
The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences last month said China had seen unprecedented levels of social conflict in 2009.
But crucially, unrest has almost always been fueled by local grievances and directed at local officials, rather than challenging the legitimacy of the central government. And ethnic unrest in Xinjiang and Tibet never reached a level where it was a major threat to national cohesiveness and a worry for investors.
There is little doubt that 2010 will see multiple outbreaks of mass unrest in China. Tens of thousands of "mass incidents" are reported annually and the trend was moving sharply upwards even before the economic slowdown.
Unemployment in China, though officially at 4.3 percent for urban jobless, is estimated by analysts to be much higher given the tens of millions of migrant workers.
Income inequality is also growing -- the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences expects the income of urban residents to grow 10 percent in 2010 versus just 6 percent for the rural poor.
The government is clearly worried about the dangers of a mass movement emerging -- last month it jailed its most prominent dissident, Liu Xiaobo, to 11 years in jail for campaigning for political freedoms. But so far there is no evidence of widespread popular anger towards the government.
While protests remain localised, investors need not worry unduly about China unrest.
Focus on Thailand, Korea, India
Elsewhere in Asia, unrest is a greater concern for markets.
Thailand is a particular worry. It was mired in an intractable political conflict, broadly between urban elites and the impoverished rural poor, even before the global financial crisis battered the country's economy.
"Thailand is least comfortable politically," Standard Chartered strategists wrote in their 2010 outlook for Asia.
"The combination of a weak, effectively unelected government facing sometimes violent street protests and a troublesome former premier hovering nearby is a recipe for major uncertainty.
"Should the health of the revered king worsen again, the situation could become even more tense and threaten the sovereign rating. Confidence would suffer, foreign direct investment inflows could be deterred, and existing high levels of excess capacity would increase, dragging growth lower."
North Korea is a wild card. Kim Jong-il's regime has for years been defying analysts' predictions of its imminent demise.
Information is scarce but the North's economy is widely believed to be going from bad to worse. Although Pyongyang's announcement it will return to nuclear disarmament talks should get more aid flowing, there are increasing signs of strain.
A sudden currency redenomination late last year added to the hardship of many North Koreans, and there were reports of rare public protests following the move. With Kim's health also in doubt, the risk of sudden major upheaval cannot be discounted.
An implosion of the regime is a key political risk for the region -- not just because it would increase the danger that an unstable North Korea could launch an attack on its neighbours, but also because political collapse could lead to the sudden reunification of the peninsula, with heavy economic costs.
Analysts say that North Korea political risk is so difficult to quantify that it is unlikely to be properly priced in, meaning South Korean markets could dive if the Pyongyang regime wobbles.
A final unrest risk is India. As with China, outbreaks of violence are common in Asia's other emerging superpower, and generally are not of major concern to investors.
But Indian asset prices rallied sharply in 2009 on hopes that the surprisingly strong mandate won by the Congress party in last year's election would allow it to power ahead with economic reforms. Progress has been considerably slower than many investors had expected, and their optimistic forecasts may have to be revised.
In November, tens of thousands of farmers protesting about low state sugarcane prices blockaded India's parliament and forced the postponement of the winter legislative session.
And in December, moves to split a large southern state caused an uproar and revived calls to split other states as well.
While major upheaval is not expected in India in 2010, social pressures may well be a drag on reform, and on its markets.
Fears of widespread unrest last year failed to materialise, and most Asian economies are now posting impressive growth. But unemployment is a lagging indicator, and many political risk consultancies are warning that 2010 may hold nasty surprises.
"Although we maintain that the crisis has already inflicted its deepest wounds, its impact will continue to be felt throughout 2010," the Economist Intelligence Unit said in a report.
The main downside risks to economic stability this year include asset price bubbles, deflationary pressures, and the danger of "an increase in the frequency and intensity of social and political unrest, given increased unemployment, weak growth and impending fiscal austerity measures in many countries," the EIU said.
Much of the risk is concentrated in Asia.
The EIU rates China in the "high risk" category for social unrest in 2010, upgraded from "moderate" risk in 2009. Also in the high risk category are Thailand, Indonesia, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Cambodia, Bangladesh and North Korea.
But unrest does not necessarily lead to market meltdown. The key question is whether violence is widespread enough to threaten major political upheaval or to significantly disrupt economic activity. Viewed in these terms, China is less of a risk, but Thailand and the Korean peninsula could be flashpoints for 2010.
China: Unrest without upheaval
The single most worrying political risk for investors in Asia is that an eruption of unrest in China destabilises the country and undermines its crucial role as an engine of global economic growth. This would not only cause a major sell-off of Chinese assets, it would undermine markets worldwide.
But most analysts rate this risk as extremely low in the coming year.
The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences last month said China had seen unprecedented levels of social conflict in 2009.
But crucially, unrest has almost always been fueled by local grievances and directed at local officials, rather than challenging the legitimacy of the central government. And ethnic unrest in Xinjiang and Tibet never reached a level where it was a major threat to national cohesiveness and a worry for investors.
There is little doubt that 2010 will see multiple outbreaks of mass unrest in China. Tens of thousands of "mass incidents" are reported annually and the trend was moving sharply upwards even before the economic slowdown.
Unemployment in China, though officially at 4.3 percent for urban jobless, is estimated by analysts to be much higher given the tens of millions of migrant workers.
Income inequality is also growing -- the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences expects the income of urban residents to grow 10 percent in 2010 versus just 6 percent for the rural poor.
The government is clearly worried about the dangers of a mass movement emerging -- last month it jailed its most prominent dissident, Liu Xiaobo, to 11 years in jail for campaigning for political freedoms. But so far there is no evidence of widespread popular anger towards the government.
While protests remain localised, investors need not worry unduly about China unrest.
Focus on Thailand, Korea, India
Elsewhere in Asia, unrest is a greater concern for markets.
Thailand is a particular worry. It was mired in an intractable political conflict, broadly between urban elites and the impoverished rural poor, even before the global financial crisis battered the country's economy.
"Thailand is least comfortable politically," Standard Chartered strategists wrote in their 2010 outlook for Asia.
"The combination of a weak, effectively unelected government facing sometimes violent street protests and a troublesome former premier hovering nearby is a recipe for major uncertainty.
"Should the health of the revered king worsen again, the situation could become even more tense and threaten the sovereign rating. Confidence would suffer, foreign direct investment inflows could be deterred, and existing high levels of excess capacity would increase, dragging growth lower."
North Korea is a wild card. Kim Jong-il's regime has for years been defying analysts' predictions of its imminent demise.
Information is scarce but the North's economy is widely believed to be going from bad to worse. Although Pyongyang's announcement it will return to nuclear disarmament talks should get more aid flowing, there are increasing signs of strain.
A sudden currency redenomination late last year added to the hardship of many North Koreans, and there were reports of rare public protests following the move. With Kim's health also in doubt, the risk of sudden major upheaval cannot be discounted.
An implosion of the regime is a key political risk for the region -- not just because it would increase the danger that an unstable North Korea could launch an attack on its neighbours, but also because political collapse could lead to the sudden reunification of the peninsula, with heavy economic costs.
Analysts say that North Korea political risk is so difficult to quantify that it is unlikely to be properly priced in, meaning South Korean markets could dive if the Pyongyang regime wobbles.
A final unrest risk is India. As with China, outbreaks of violence are common in Asia's other emerging superpower, and generally are not of major concern to investors.
But Indian asset prices rallied sharply in 2009 on hopes that the surprisingly strong mandate won by the Congress party in last year's election would allow it to power ahead with economic reforms. Progress has been considerably slower than many investors had expected, and their optimistic forecasts may have to be revised.
In November, tens of thousands of farmers protesting about low state sugarcane prices blockaded India's parliament and forced the postponement of the winter legislative session.
And in December, moves to split a large southern state caused an uproar and revived calls to split other states as well.
While major upheaval is not expected in India in 2010, social pressures may well be a drag on reform, and on its markets.
Maybank Plans To Open Another Branch In Cambodia
KUALA LUMPUR, Jan 4 (Bernama) -- Malayan Banking Bhd (Maybank) plans to open one more branch in Cambodia by end of its current financial year ending June 30, 2010.
Its head of international, Abdul Farid Alias, said the bank recently added the seventh branch to its network in Cambodia, located at the Toul Kork District in Phnom Penh.
"This latest branch completes the four new branches we had planned to open this year," Abdul Farid said in a statement Monday.
"We are pleased to be able to expand our network to provide to the growing community in the capital city, including the local as well as Malaysian and Singaporean companies with operations in Cambodia," he said.
"We are targeting for Maybank Toul Kork to turn around in the second year of operation. The branch will meet the banking needs of the community in the vicinity, focusing on the commercial and retail sectors," Abdul Farid said.
He said with the seven branches and improving economic conditions in Cambodia as well as in the region, Maybank remained optimistic of the country's growth prospects.
The new branch provides retail and commercial banking services, including deposit and placement, trade finance, remittances, foreign exchange and mortgage.
It offers a range of financial services to the district consisting of affluent residences, government ministries, universities and commercial businesses.
Maybank opened its first branch in Cambodia in 1993 located at Kramoun Sar Phnom Penh and Maybank Toul Kork is the sixth branch located in Phnom Penh.
Its other branches in Phnom Penh are Maybank Kramoun Sar, its main branch, Maybank Teukthla, Maybank Mao Tse Toung, Maybank Chabar Ampov and Maybank Olympic. The bank also has a branch in Siem Reap.
The latest branch expands Maybank's international network to over 1,750 offices located in Indonesia, the Philippines, Singapore, Cambodia, Brunei, Vietnam, China, Hong Kong, Bahrain, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea and Uzbekistan, and financial centres in New York and London.
Its head of international, Abdul Farid Alias, said the bank recently added the seventh branch to its network in Cambodia, located at the Toul Kork District in Phnom Penh.
"This latest branch completes the four new branches we had planned to open this year," Abdul Farid said in a statement Monday.
"We are pleased to be able to expand our network to provide to the growing community in the capital city, including the local as well as Malaysian and Singaporean companies with operations in Cambodia," he said.
"We are targeting for Maybank Toul Kork to turn around in the second year of operation. The branch will meet the banking needs of the community in the vicinity, focusing on the commercial and retail sectors," Abdul Farid said.
He said with the seven branches and improving economic conditions in Cambodia as well as in the region, Maybank remained optimistic of the country's growth prospects.
The new branch provides retail and commercial banking services, including deposit and placement, trade finance, remittances, foreign exchange and mortgage.
It offers a range of financial services to the district consisting of affluent residences, government ministries, universities and commercial businesses.
Maybank opened its first branch in Cambodia in 1993 located at Kramoun Sar Phnom Penh and Maybank Toul Kork is the sixth branch located in Phnom Penh.
Its other branches in Phnom Penh are Maybank Kramoun Sar, its main branch, Maybank Teukthla, Maybank Mao Tse Toung, Maybank Chabar Ampov and Maybank Olympic. The bank also has a branch in Siem Reap.
The latest branch expands Maybank's international network to over 1,750 offices located in Indonesia, the Philippines, Singapore, Cambodia, Brunei, Vietnam, China, Hong Kong, Bahrain, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea and Uzbekistan, and financial centres in New York and London.
Deported Uighurs Highlight China's Ties to Cambodia
Hun Xen shaking hand with Hu Jintao04 Jan 2010
Brendan Brady
World Politics Review
"UNHCR wanted to turn over the refugee process here to the government ... and now, as a result, you have 20 people who risk losing their lives." - Sara Colm, Human Rights Watch's senior researcher on Cambodia.PHNOM PENH, Cambodia -- Two days after Cambodia repatriated 20 Uighur asylum-seekers fleeing China, the two countries signed trade agreements worth more than $1 billion, bringing significant investment, loans and grants to the impoverished Southeast Asian nation. Both countries deny a deal was struck, but China's growing ability to leverage its economic power in the region combined with Cambodia's weak rule of law have observers believing otherwise.
China insisted the Uighurs were outlaws, saying they participated in deadly protests earlier this year, while Cambodia contended it was merely following its immigration laws by deporting them. Rights advocates, however, said the refugees fled China after witnessing police violence against other members of their ethnic group.
Uighurs are a Turkic, Sunni Muslim minority native to China's far-western Xinjiang province. Xinjiang has been buffeted by bombings, attacks and riots in recent years that Beijing has blamed on Uighur separatists demanding autonomy. Violent confrontations erupted in July between Uighurs and Han Chinese, the majority ethnic group in China, whose increased migration to the region has heightened ethnic tensions. Nearly 200 people were killed and another 1,600 wounded, according to media reports.
Rights groups anticipate that the Uighurs deported from Cambodia are unlikely to get a fair trial in China and face torture, lengthy prison sentences or even the death penalty. Seventeen Uighurs have already been condemned to death for their role in the protests.
The deportation coincided with a visit to Cambodia by Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping, who signed 14 pacts worth $1.2 billion related to infrastructure, construction, grants and loans. China has become Cambodia's leading foreign investor and one of the country's leading donors, stepping up its presence with projects for roads, dams, mines, irrigation and telecommunications. Cambodia's recent offshore oil prospects have made it an even more enticing trade partner.
Amnesty International's Cambodia researcher, Brittis Edman, said the Uighurs were traded as a "commodity" and that the move was an ominous sign of Cambodia's attitude towards refugee protection. Joshua Kurlantzick, a Southeast Asia expert at the Council of Foreign Relations in Washington and author of "Charm Offensive: How China's Soft Power is Transforming the World," said that in exchange for its investment, China wants Cambodia to support its stance on its most sensitive diplomatic issues -- including Taiwan, Tibet and dissenting minorities like the Uighurs.
While analysts were interpreting the deportation as a sign of China's growing diplomatic audacity, the U.N. High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) was left picking up the pieces of Cambodia's failed refugee program. "It's a grave breach of Cambodia's obligations," said Kitty McKinsey, spokeswoman for the UNHCR in Asia. "As a signatory of the 1951 convention, Cambodia was obligated to commit to non-refoulement, which means no refugees should be returned to face persecution." McKinsey said the UNHCR took extraordinary efforts to intervene in Cambodia's decision, having its top official, Antonio Gutierrez, attempt to speak with Prime Minister Hun Sen directly and offering to evacuate the Uighurs to a third country.
But local observers wonder if the UNHCR lost the leverage it needed to manage such a politically laden case by divesting itself of authority in recent years. The Uighurs -- who had been in Cambodia a few weeks before news of their arrival surfaced through media reports -- had first sought asylum through the UNHCR. But the agency has phased down its role in handling asylum applications. Cambodia is one of just two Southeast Asian signatories of the 1951 international Refugee Convention, and for the past two years, it has been the focus of the UNHCR's effort to create a locally managed refugee office to serve as a model for the region.
In a press release from October 2008 titled "Cambodia on track to become refugee model for Southeast Asia," UNHCR's then-representative in Cambodia, Thamrongsak Meechubot, was quoted as praising Cambodia's progress. "Things are moving since the government agreed in June that it was prepared to take responsibility for refugee status determination itself," he said.
But there were signs that Cambodia wasn't ready, and diplomats in Phnom Penh privately expressed reservations to the UNHCR about its faith in a government that had in the past directly deported, or been implicated in the covert extradition of, Chinese and Vietnamese nationals fleeing persecution. According to a report from Human Rights Watch, the government has even aided and abetted the Vietnamese government in keeping tabs on political refugees who have fled to Cambodia.
After the deportation, the government highlighted its own compromised position by criticizing the UNHCR for not taking control of the case and evacuating the Uighurs to a third country. "We wanted to deal with it quietly without harming our relationship with China," said Information Minister Khieu Kanharith, who added that Western diplomats and rights workers put Cambodia in an impossible position with China by leaking news about the Uighurs presence to the press. Just a day after the Uighurs were rounded up by police, the government pushed through a bill giving it complete control over asylum applications in the future. The takeover had been in the pipeline, but the timing raised eyebrows.
"The whole system failed," said Sara Colm, Human Rights Watch's senior researcher on Cambodia. "UNHCR wanted to turn over the refugee process here to the government ... and now, as a result, you have 20 people who risk losing their lives."
Brendan Brady is a journalist based in Cambodia, who writes for the Los Angeles Times, CBC, Global Post and IRIN, among other publications. His main subjects of interest in Cambodia are the Khmer Rouge tribunal, human rights abuses, diplomatic disputes and religious tensions.
Khmer Krom: Continue to Lobby Govt For Citizenship, Aid
Khmer Krom asylum seekers in front of the UNHCR office in Phnom Penh (Photo: The Prey Nokor News)Monday, 04 January 2010
UNPO
A group of 24 ethnic Khmer Krom deported from Thailand in December has resolved to continue seeking government assistance despite being denied refugee status by the UN refugee agency.
Below is an article published by the Phnom Penhn Post
Amid fears that the government may seek to deport 24 ethnic Khmer Krom to Vietnam, a rights group advocating on their behalf said Wednesday.
The group, which has said it fled to Thailand because of persecution and religious repression in Vietnam’s Mekong Delta region, was deported to Cambodia on December 5. They arrived Monday at the offices of the local office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees seeking refugee status and assistance with food and housing.
A UNHCR spokesman confirmed Wednesday that they were unable to help because of a sub-decree signed by Prime Minister Hun Sen on December 17 that made issues related to asylum seekers the sole responsibility of the government.
Ang Chanrith, executive director of the Khmer Kampuchea Krom Human Rights Organisation, said the group will continue to write letters to the government and commune chiefs in a bid to garner a response.
“The group now knows the UNHCR’s position,” he said. “They will wait to see if the response letter is negative or positive. If it is positive, they can live [here]. If it is negative, they can take the letter back to the UNHCR and say, ‘Look, we have nowhere to stay.’”
Ang Chanrith added that the NGOs currently providing shelter for the group could not continue to do so indefinitely, but could only do so “for another one to two months”.
Thach Soong, 49, a Khmer Krom representative for the group, said Wednesday that the group still fears being sent back to Vietnam.
“We need safety. I am afraid the government has a secret plan to deport us.”
Ministry of Interior spokesman Khieu Sopheak said Wednesday that no such plan exists.
“They have enough rights,” he said, adding that as ethnic Khmer Krom, they possess the same general rights as anyone of Khmer ethnicity.
“The government cannot find land and shelter for them because many other citizens do not have land or shelter either. The asylum seekers must realise that the right for asylum is no longer under the authority of the UNHCR,” Khieu Sopheak said.
Below is an article published by the Phnom Penhn Post
Amid fears that the government may seek to deport 24 ethnic Khmer Krom to Vietnam, a rights group advocating on their behalf said Wednesday.
The group, which has said it fled to Thailand because of persecution and religious repression in Vietnam’s Mekong Delta region, was deported to Cambodia on December 5. They arrived Monday at the offices of the local office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees seeking refugee status and assistance with food and housing.
A UNHCR spokesman confirmed Wednesday that they were unable to help because of a sub-decree signed by Prime Minister Hun Sen on December 17 that made issues related to asylum seekers the sole responsibility of the government.
Ang Chanrith, executive director of the Khmer Kampuchea Krom Human Rights Organisation, said the group will continue to write letters to the government and commune chiefs in a bid to garner a response.
“The group now knows the UNHCR’s position,” he said. “They will wait to see if the response letter is negative or positive. If it is positive, they can live [here]. If it is negative, they can take the letter back to the UNHCR and say, ‘Look, we have nowhere to stay.’”
Ang Chanrith added that the NGOs currently providing shelter for the group could not continue to do so indefinitely, but could only do so “for another one to two months”.
Thach Soong, 49, a Khmer Krom representative for the group, said Wednesday that the group still fears being sent back to Vietnam.
“We need safety. I am afraid the government has a secret plan to deport us.”
Ministry of Interior spokesman Khieu Sopheak said Wednesday that no such plan exists.
“They have enough rights,” he said, adding that as ethnic Khmer Krom, they possess the same general rights as anyone of Khmer ethnicity.
“The government cannot find land and shelter for them because many other citizens do not have land or shelter either. The asylum seekers must realise that the right for asylum is no longer under the authority of the UNHCR,” Khieu Sopheak said.
Bio-Char Factory Opens in Cambodia
A Cambodian woman makes use of “charbriquettes” made from coconut husks. The fuel is a cleaner substitute for the wood and charcoal that are traditionally used. (Simon Marks)January 4, 2010
By SIMON MARKS
New York Times
Cambodia opened its first biomass “charbriquette” factory in Phnom Penh last month, an enterprise that will produce fuel for stoves from waste biomass material.
The factory, a venture backed by Geres and For a Child’s Smile, two French organizations active in Cambodia’s development community, aims to reduce demand for wood and charcoal that 80 percent of Cambodians use every day to cook and boil water.
“Climate change and global warming are serious issues these days,” said Yohanes Iwan Baskoro, Cambodia country director for Geres. The factory, Mr. Baskoro said, “will save about 1,600 tons of greenhouse gas emissions from entering the atmosphere” every year.
The number of households projected to use charcoal as an energy source here will rise to more than one million in 2015 from about 500,000 now, according to a 2008 study conducted jointly by Cambodia’s Ministry of Industry, Mines and Energy, the United Nations Development Program and Geres.
The projected increase has raised concerns among environmentalists, who say that charcoal production entails the removal of vast quantities of woodland, often in naturally growing forests.
According to Geres, Phnom Penh consumes 90,000 tons of charcoal every year, a market believed to be worth about $25 million.
At the new factory, called the Sustainable Green Fuel Enterprise, waste biomass like coconut husks and shells will be burned for an hour in brick kilns, or until the material is carbonized. The heat from the burning process is then recaptured in a funnel and used to dry the waste biomass so that the burning process becomes more energy efficient.
The end-product, known as char, is crushed and mixed with water and cassava residue to form individual briquettes of fuel.
Mr Baskoro said that the biomass used to make the briquettes would otherwise decompose on the capital’s streets, releasing greenhouse gases into the atmosphere in the form of methane and carbon dioxide.
Moreover, there will be less dependence on producing charcoal from wood, most of which comes from naturally growing forests.
The briquettes, Mr. Baskoro said, “will preserve Cambodia’s natural forests by having a cleaner and safer alternative to wood and charcoal. He added that the briquettes produce less smoke and pose less of a threat to human health and the environment.
And while the briquettes will cost nearly three times that of charcoal sold on the streets of Phnom Penh, they will burn for nearly twice as long, according to Ly Mathheat, the executive director of the Sustainable Green Fuel Enterprise.
The factory, a venture backed by Geres and For a Child’s Smile, two French organizations active in Cambodia’s development community, aims to reduce demand for wood and charcoal that 80 percent of Cambodians use every day to cook and boil water.
“Climate change and global warming are serious issues these days,” said Yohanes Iwan Baskoro, Cambodia country director for Geres. The factory, Mr. Baskoro said, “will save about 1,600 tons of greenhouse gas emissions from entering the atmosphere” every year.
The number of households projected to use charcoal as an energy source here will rise to more than one million in 2015 from about 500,000 now, according to a 2008 study conducted jointly by Cambodia’s Ministry of Industry, Mines and Energy, the United Nations Development Program and Geres.
The projected increase has raised concerns among environmentalists, who say that charcoal production entails the removal of vast quantities of woodland, often in naturally growing forests.
According to Geres, Phnom Penh consumes 90,000 tons of charcoal every year, a market believed to be worth about $25 million.
At the new factory, called the Sustainable Green Fuel Enterprise, waste biomass like coconut husks and shells will be burned for an hour in brick kilns, or until the material is carbonized. The heat from the burning process is then recaptured in a funnel and used to dry the waste biomass so that the burning process becomes more energy efficient.
The end-product, known as char, is crushed and mixed with water and cassava residue to form individual briquettes of fuel.
Mr Baskoro said that the biomass used to make the briquettes would otherwise decompose on the capital’s streets, releasing greenhouse gases into the atmosphere in the form of methane and carbon dioxide.
Moreover, there will be less dependence on producing charcoal from wood, most of which comes from naturally growing forests.
The briquettes, Mr. Baskoro said, “will preserve Cambodia’s natural forests by having a cleaner and safer alternative to wood and charcoal. He added that the briquettes produce less smoke and pose less of a threat to human health and the environment.
And while the briquettes will cost nearly three times that of charcoal sold on the streets of Phnom Penh, they will burn for nearly twice as long, according to Ly Mathheat, the executive director of the Sustainable Green Fuel Enterprise.
Cambodian opposition leader to remain abroad until charges dropped
January 4, 2010
ABC Radio Australia
A member of the Cambodian opposition Sam Rainsy Party says the party's leader will not return to the country while charges remain against him. Sam Rainsy has been charged with inciting racial hatred and destruction of property. An arrest warrant was issued after he failed to appear in court to hear the charges, which he has described as politically motivated.
Presenter: Bo Hill
Speakers: Hing Yoeun, member, Sam rainsy Party Steering Committee
HILL: The charges Sam Rainsy faces relate to an incident on the Cambodia-Vietnam border in October. He's alleged to have incited racial hatred and destroyed property after border markers were removed. Sam Rainsy party member, Hing Yoeun says the opposition leader was doing nothing wrong.
HING YOUEN: On 25 October 2009, the people in the village run to him and complain to him that the Vietnamese side plan to make a border at their rice fields.
HILL: Sam Rainsy claims he was simply helping the villages in Cok Bahn to save their rice fields, and Hing Yoeun says the party and its leader believe the charges are politically motivated.
HING YOEUN: The judicial system in Cambodia is not justice, it's is only the tool of the government and the ruling party.
HILL: Sam Rainsy is currently in France, having left Cambodia before the court appearance order was issued. He's told Reuters news agency he will let the court prosecute him in absentia because the verdict was already decided. Hing Yoeun says Sam Rainsy will pursue the case through diplomatic means from abroad, rather than through the Cambodia court system. But the incident is already a diplomatic issue. A long-running Cambodia-Vietnam border dispute was laid to rest three years ago when the border was official marked, but there are still localised concerns. Hing Yoeun says Cambodian authorities moved against the opposition leader because of pressure from Vietnam, whose investment dollars Cambodia has tried hard to attract.
HING YOEUN: Yes of course because the prime minister of Vietnam said that Cambodia have to avoid the similar action caused by Sam Rainsy in the future.
HILL: Hing Yoeun has hinted that Sam Rainsy, who was educated in France, will remain in Paris for the foreseeable future, and may seek political asylum there. He also said two locals from Cok Bahn village involved in the border marker incident have been arrested, and warrants have been issued for three others.
Presenter: Bo Hill
Speakers: Hing Yoeun, member, Sam rainsy Party Steering Committee
HILL: The charges Sam Rainsy faces relate to an incident on the Cambodia-Vietnam border in October. He's alleged to have incited racial hatred and destroyed property after border markers were removed. Sam Rainsy party member, Hing Yoeun says the opposition leader was doing nothing wrong.
HING YOUEN: On 25 October 2009, the people in the village run to him and complain to him that the Vietnamese side plan to make a border at their rice fields.
HILL: Sam Rainsy claims he was simply helping the villages in Cok Bahn to save their rice fields, and Hing Yoeun says the party and its leader believe the charges are politically motivated.
HING YOEUN: The judicial system in Cambodia is not justice, it's is only the tool of the government and the ruling party.
HILL: Sam Rainsy is currently in France, having left Cambodia before the court appearance order was issued. He's told Reuters news agency he will let the court prosecute him in absentia because the verdict was already decided. Hing Yoeun says Sam Rainsy will pursue the case through diplomatic means from abroad, rather than through the Cambodia court system. But the incident is already a diplomatic issue. A long-running Cambodia-Vietnam border dispute was laid to rest three years ago when the border was official marked, but there are still localised concerns. Hing Yoeun says Cambodian authorities moved against the opposition leader because of pressure from Vietnam, whose investment dollars Cambodia has tried hard to attract.
HING YOEUN: Yes of course because the prime minister of Vietnam said that Cambodia have to avoid the similar action caused by Sam Rainsy in the future.
HILL: Hing Yoeun has hinted that Sam Rainsy, who was educated in France, will remain in Paris for the foreseeable future, and may seek political asylum there. He also said two locals from Cok Bahn village involved in the border marker incident have been arrested, and warrants have been issued for three others.
Cambodia, Thai soldiers enjoy New Year's dance near border
PHNOM PENH, Jan. 4 (Xinhua) -- Some 80 Cambodian and Thai soldiers enjoyed a New Year's dance last weekend, a festivity that helped the two sides of armed forces to know each other and exchange gifts, a senior military official said Monday.
Major Gen. Srey Doek, commander of Division 3 based at Preah Vihear Temple said some 30 Thai soldiers and 50 Cambodian soldiers who are all based along the two countries' borders had enjoyed a Jan. 1 gathering.
He said during the gathering, both sides had exchanged gifts, sharing fruits, drinks and danced to the music together for about two hours at Choam Te border point, about 18 kilometers from Preah Vihear Temple.
He said during the gathering, both sides had pledged that regular meetings shall be held in order to avoid any armed clash.
Since the border conflict between the two nations began last year, two times of armed clashes had occurred, during which several soldiers from both sides were killed and injured.
Cambodia and Thailand believe in Buddhism and they enjoy similar culture, tradition and round dance (Roam Vong Dance).
Major Gen. Srey Doek, commander of Division 3 based at Preah Vihear Temple said some 30 Thai soldiers and 50 Cambodian soldiers who are all based along the two countries' borders had enjoyed a Jan. 1 gathering.
He said during the gathering, both sides had exchanged gifts, sharing fruits, drinks and danced to the music together for about two hours at Choam Te border point, about 18 kilometers from Preah Vihear Temple.
He said during the gathering, both sides had pledged that regular meetings shall be held in order to avoid any armed clash.
Since the border conflict between the two nations began last year, two times of armed clashes had occurred, during which several soldiers from both sides were killed and injured.
Cambodia and Thailand believe in Buddhism and they enjoy similar culture, tradition and round dance (Roam Vong Dance).
Other Border Markers Surreptitiously Removed
4 January 2010
OTHER BORDER MARKERS SURREPTITIOUSLY REMOVED
We have just learnt from local authorities and villagers in Svay Rieng province that several wooden poles supposed to be temporary border markers similar to the ones opposition leader Sam Rainsy removed on 25 October 2009 in Samraong commune, have been surreptitiously removed by the Vietnamese authorities assisted by Cambodian officials.
Sam Rainsy pulled out six wooden poles at border marker #185. But subsequently, similar wooden poles at nearby border markers #184, #186 and #187 have also been removed by the authorities themselves. At marker #184 even the concrete foundations under the wooden poles have been dug out, put onto a tractor and taken back to Vietnam.
As Sam Rainsy has exposed, the poles he pulled out were planted on Cambodian farmers’ rice fields that are private properties with the farmers holding legal land titles to justify ownership of their land. Therefore, since the wooden poles were planted on their private properties without their consent, the farmers were entitled to remove them (the poles) or to ask somebody else to do it for them, which Sam Rainsy did at marker #185.
Now realizing they are on weak legal ground in the prosecution of Sam Rainsy and the concerned farmers, the authorities have surreptitiously resorted to do the same thing as Sam Rainsy did, i.e. removing illegally imposed border markers, which is leading to a judicial imbroglio illustrating the political nature of the charges levied against Sam Rainsy.
CPP officials celebrate 07 January … in Svay Pak!?!?
CPP's 7th January Heaven celebration in Svay Pak calls for an inauguration?04 January 2010
DAP News
Translated from Khmer by Komping Puoy
Svay Pak, Phnom Penh – In the evening of 03 January 2010, inside the Heng Meng Huy ice factory located along National Road No. 5, in Svay Pak village (also known as Phnom Penh’s red lantern district), Svay Pak commune, Russey Keo district, a celebration was held to commemorate 07 January, the day of the second birth. The festivity was presided by General Ek Somrith Dy, the personal advisor of Hun Xen and deputy army chief of staff, Ly Son, the CPP MP from Kampong Speu province, as well as local officials and several other CPP party members.
Kong Kim Heng, the ice factory owner, declated that the reason he held this celebration was in gratitude and to thank the CPP leaders, because without these leaders toppling the KR regime (KI-Media note: Wasn’t it the Vietnamese army that toppled the KR regime? Too much partying in Svay Pak made the CPP supporters forget all their history?) on 07 January, he wouldn’t be here today.
Ly Son declared that 07 January is the second birth (KI-Media note: Could it be a second birth (i.e. reincarnation) for the CPP officials following a detour to the Svay Pak 7th Heaven … oops, sorry, we meant 7th January Heaven?) of our people, in particular for him and his family, because without 07 January, he wouldn’t be here. Not only that, his family wouldn’t be able to survive and the black shirts (KR soldiers) would have killed them all.
Kong Kim Heng, the ice factory owner, declated that the reason he held this celebration was in gratitude and to thank the CPP leaders, because without these leaders toppling the KR regime (KI-Media note: Wasn’t it the Vietnamese army that toppled the KR regime? Too much partying in Svay Pak made the CPP supporters forget all their history?) on 07 January, he wouldn’t be here today.
Ly Son declared that 07 January is the second birth (KI-Media note: Could it be a second birth (i.e. reincarnation) for the CPP officials following a detour to the Svay Pak 7th Heaven … oops, sorry, we meant 7th January Heaven?) of our people, in particular for him and his family, because without 07 January, he wouldn’t be here. Not only that, his family wouldn’t be able to survive and the black shirts (KR soldiers) would have killed them all.
Fine example for the region
Abdurrahman Wahid "Gus Dur"(7 September 1940 – 30 December 2009)
4/01/2010
Bangkok Post
EDITORIAL
One of the world's most admirable leaders died last week. It is lamentable that the name of Abdurrahman Wahid is less known than the villains and tyrants he fought and overcame. The former president of Indonesia was the major reason his country emerged from brutality and chaos to become the best example of democratic advances in Southeast Asia today. Known both affectionately and respectfully as Gus Dur, Wahid has left a legacy that will be difficult to live up to, but highly deserving of the effort.
Gus Dur - a Muslim honorific combined with the nickname of his own first name - was just 69 when he died after a long series of illnesses. The man of modest means suffered for decades from diabetes, and was functionally blind when he defeated the well-connected, fabulously rich Megawati Sukarnoputri in the first Indonesian presidential election in history, in 1999. His popular appeal was as simple as his campaign platform. Indonesia needed to get over the violence and systemic corruption of the Suharto years and move towards full democracy with a pluralistic government.
Many believed that the Indonesian army would never cede its power. Indeed, for several years after the overthrow of Suharto in ''people power'' demonstrations centred on Jakarta, it was assumed the army would simply retake control. Wahid, however, understood the concerns of the huge and widespread nation. The disgusting corruption and brutality of Suharto and supporters had been imposed at gunpoint. Wahid struck the correct chord in stressing religious freedom, accountable government and a goal of full democracy.
Wahid himself had seen and suffered the brutality of the Sukarno and then the Suharto dictatorships. But after the overthrow of Suharto, he refused to join the hotheaded calls for revenge. Instead, he counselled a policy to look to the future, and to build a democratic and tolerant country. This was a difficult role to play. On one side, the army constantly threatened violence to return to office. On the other, bigoted Muslim extremists, no longer checked or controlled by the government's threats, undertook major terrorist operations, in Jakarta and across the country.
History will probably record that Wahid's greatest achievement was to face down extremists on both sides, but particularly within the Muslim community. He insisted that the two great Muslim ''schools'' of Indonesia - his own Nahdlatul Ulama, with 40 million members, and the 29 million-member Muhammjadiyah - retain moderate and inclusive goals. He spoke out against extremism, including against the Jemaah Islamiyah group which, prior to the 9/11 attacks on the US and its Bali bombings, was attacking Christians and non-Islamic targets with murderous bombs across Indonesia.
Wahid's world travels, always with an entourage and often colourful, emphasised his belief that men and women, and their nations, should receive equal treatment. His frequent request to Indonesians and to world leaders was that ''Upholding democracy is one of the principles of Islam''. He made enemies among extremist groups with such talk. But largely as a result of his personality, the world's most populous Muslim country did, indeed, become a democracy and help to lead the worldwide battle against murderous extremists at the same time.
Wahid's presidency came to an abrupt end in 2001, and many blame a conspiracy of the elite. If so, they failed anyway. Indonesia today is Asean's strongest example of the advantages of democracy. It also is arguably the Islamic world's strongest proof that democracy is good for Islam in many ways. Wahid showed Muslims will fight the extremists, and that is his strongest legacy.
Gus Dur - a Muslim honorific combined with the nickname of his own first name - was just 69 when he died after a long series of illnesses. The man of modest means suffered for decades from diabetes, and was functionally blind when he defeated the well-connected, fabulously rich Megawati Sukarnoputri in the first Indonesian presidential election in history, in 1999. His popular appeal was as simple as his campaign platform. Indonesia needed to get over the violence and systemic corruption of the Suharto years and move towards full democracy with a pluralistic government.
Many believed that the Indonesian army would never cede its power. Indeed, for several years after the overthrow of Suharto in ''people power'' demonstrations centred on Jakarta, it was assumed the army would simply retake control. Wahid, however, understood the concerns of the huge and widespread nation. The disgusting corruption and brutality of Suharto and supporters had been imposed at gunpoint. Wahid struck the correct chord in stressing religious freedom, accountable government and a goal of full democracy.
Wahid himself had seen and suffered the brutality of the Sukarno and then the Suharto dictatorships. But after the overthrow of Suharto, he refused to join the hotheaded calls for revenge. Instead, he counselled a policy to look to the future, and to build a democratic and tolerant country. This was a difficult role to play. On one side, the army constantly threatened violence to return to office. On the other, bigoted Muslim extremists, no longer checked or controlled by the government's threats, undertook major terrorist operations, in Jakarta and across the country.
History will probably record that Wahid's greatest achievement was to face down extremists on both sides, but particularly within the Muslim community. He insisted that the two great Muslim ''schools'' of Indonesia - his own Nahdlatul Ulama, with 40 million members, and the 29 million-member Muhammjadiyah - retain moderate and inclusive goals. He spoke out against extremism, including against the Jemaah Islamiyah group which, prior to the 9/11 attacks on the US and its Bali bombings, was attacking Christians and non-Islamic targets with murderous bombs across Indonesia.
Wahid's world travels, always with an entourage and often colourful, emphasised his belief that men and women, and their nations, should receive equal treatment. His frequent request to Indonesians and to world leaders was that ''Upholding democracy is one of the principles of Islam''. He made enemies among extremist groups with such talk. But largely as a result of his personality, the world's most populous Muslim country did, indeed, become a democracy and help to lead the worldwide battle against murderous extremists at the same time.
Wahid's presidency came to an abrupt end in 2001, and many blame a conspiracy of the elite. If so, they failed anyway. Indonesia today is Asean's strongest example of the advantages of democracy. It also is arguably the Islamic world's strongest proof that democracy is good for Islam in many ways. Wahid showed Muslims will fight the extremists, and that is his strongest legacy.
Hun Xen warned those who refuse to recognize 07 January
Consequence of the 07 January event: More than one decade of Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia. Should we thank them for that or should we tell them: "Vietnam Go Home!"?04 January 2010
DAP News
Translated from Khmer by Socheata
Battambang – There’s only three days left for Cambodia to celebrate the 31st anniversary of the escape from the genocidal Democratic Kampuchea (Khmer Rouge) regime which took place on 07 January 1979. In the morning of 04 January 2010, prime minister Hun Xen issued a warning against a group of people who refused to recognize 07 January as the date of the release from Pol Pot’s hands.
During the inauguration of the International Children village building by the SOS organization in Battambang city, Hun Xen indicated that, if there was no 07 January, there would be no 23 October [date of the anniversary of the Paris Peace Agreements on Cambodia] either.
This is not the first time that Hun Xen issued his warning to opposition officials and civil society organizations that are leaning toward the opposition party. In fact Hun Xen and officials from his regime always raised the issue against the criticisms raised by opposition officials in their refusal to recognize 07 January.
Kem Sokha, HRP President, said that 07 January was a victory day, but it was also a day the Yuons invaded Cambodia.
During the inauguration of the International Children village building by the SOS organization in Battambang city, Hun Xen indicated that, if there was no 07 January, there would be no 23 October [date of the anniversary of the Paris Peace Agreements on Cambodia] either.
This is not the first time that Hun Xen issued his warning to opposition officials and civil society organizations that are leaning toward the opposition party. In fact Hun Xen and officials from his regime always raised the issue against the criticisms raised by opposition officials in their refusal to recognize 07 January.
Kem Sokha, HRP President, said that 07 January was a victory day, but it was also a day the Yuons invaded Cambodia.
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