Thaksin revels in shameless Cambodian sham

December 15, 2009
By Sopon Onkgara
The Nation

THAKSIN Shinawatra tried to make the most out of the hard-sought good light in Cambodia when he met Sivarak Chutipong, who was released from prison yesterday after a month-long captivity. Together with his mother, Sivarak- the victim of a cheap plot to embarrass Thailand and favour Thaksin - showed little emotion when he met the friend of his late father.

Thaksin appeared patriarchal and patronising when he faced Sivarak, whose father was a former partner in movie production with the fugitive ex-premier. The two had shared ups and downs and a debt load due to poor results in the movie world.

Thaksin was in Phnom Penh for the release of Sivarak, who should have been freed on Friday after the royal pardon by the Cambodian King. But no, that would be too good to let go without Thaksin's participation as a self-perceived victim of a possible attempt on his life.

As we all know, Sivarak had been arrested for passing on information relating to Thaksin's previous flight schedule to Cambodia, to the first secretary at the Thai Embassy, who was later expelled from Phnom Penh. Cambodian authorities claim the Thai billionaire is an adviser to Prime Minister Hun Sen and also a Cambodian citizen. So he deserved security protection.

Again, we all know that this was a sham concocted by Hun Sen and Thaksin to embarrass Thailand in retaliation for Bangkok's earlier decision to recall its ambassador from Phnom Penh and annul an important joint memorandum of understanding, depriving Hun Sen of a chance to exploit petroleum resources offshore.

Reports suggest that Thaksin was in Phnom Penh before the time of release because he wanted to question Sivarak personally and find out who is behind what he perceives as a sinister plot to go after him while he is on the run from a two-year jail term and numerous criminal charges back home.

But how would he be able to get any useful information? A flight schedule is not guarded or exclusive information. It is in the public domain. What's more, the urgency on the part of Cambodia was based on the probable fear that the Thai side might want to ask how the Cambodian authorities know about the phone conversation between Sivarak and the first secretary, if not by phone tapping.

The sham was designed to enable Thaksin and his plotters to score points from a naive and gullible public for a while. But those who have been following the charade were able to predict in advance how the issue would end. They could not drag it on further. It would be laughable overacting.

Thaksin will be in Cambodia for a few days. In his "advisory" role, he will conduct an economic workshop for Cambodian bureaucrats and businessmen, sharing his knowledge and worldview with those under the iron-fisted rule of Hun Sen, the village tyrant.

What should Thaksin talk about? Populist programmes are not easy to implement in Cambodia due to paucity of budget, and Hun Sen will certainly not want to spend at a time when revenue from tourism and casinos is on the decline since the diplomatic trouble with Thailand.

There is one issue upon which Thaksin can enlighten the poor souls in Cambodia: The real-estate bubble in Dubai and the subsequent debt standstill. He could show his flair by rescuing the state from impending debt crisis now that real-estate prices have plummeted by more than 50 per cent.

Oh yes, Thaksin should also tell the Cambodians how to avoid being conned into bum deals like the one that's led to his inability to seek repayments from his partners in Dubai, who made him part with substantial wealth. The collapse of the real-estate market there, and the dwindling clout of the ruling sheikh, has made Thaksin feel less secure in terms of refuge.

While in Phnom Penh, he will hold a workshop with his sisters and political cronies to plot their next move in regaining power and the assets now under risk of being confiscated by the government. Of course, the war plan will entail heavy expenses to keep up the morale of his war dogs for the fight. He should consider a fall-back position and a permanent place for refuge.

After rambling on to just over 10,000 of his followers on December 10, Thaksin should know that it will be far more difficult than he earlier believed to dislodge the Abhisit government from power - more so if his cronies still want to topple the monarchy.

Hundreds of thousands of people thronged Rajdamneon Avenue during His Majesty's birthday celebration, showing total loyalty and dedication to the King. This serves as strong testimony that the monarchy remains invincible, beyond the ability of Thaksin and his cronies to succeed in their plan.

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